essay on machiavelli the prince

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The Prince is an extended analysis of how to acquire and maintain political power. It includes 26 chapters and an opening dedication to Lorenzo de Medici. The dedication declares Machiavelli's intention to discuss in plain language the conduct of great men and the principles of princely government. He does so in hope of pleasing and enlightening the Medici family.

The book's 26 chapters can be divided into four sections: Chapters 1-11 discuss the different types of principalities or states, Chapters 12-14 discuss the different types of armies and the proper conduct of a prince as military leader, Chapters 15-23 discuss the character and behavior of the prince, and Chapters 24-26 discuss Italy's desperate political situation. The final chapter is a plea for the Medici family to supply the prince who will lead Italy out of humiliation.

The Types of Principalities

Machiavelli lists four types of principalities:

  • Hereditary principalities, which are inherited by the ruler
  • Mixed principalities, territories that are annexed to the ruler's existing territories
  • New principalities, which may be acquired by several methods: by one's own power, by the power of others, by criminal acts or extreme cruelty, or by the will of the people (civic principalities)
  • Ecclesiastical principalities, namely the Papal States belonging to the Catholic church

The Types of Armies

A prince must always pay close attention to military affairs if he wants to remain in power. Machiavelli lists four types of armies:

  • Mercenaries or hired soldiers, which are dangerous and unreliable
  • Auxiliaries, troops that are loaned to you by other rulers—also dangerous and unreliable
  • Native troops, composed of one's own citizens or subjects—by far the most desirable kind
  • Mixed troops, a combination of native troops and mercenaries or auxiliaries—still less desirable than a completely native army

The Character and Behavior of the Prince

Machiavelli recommends the following character and behavior for princes:

  • It is better to be stingy than generous.
  • It is better to be cruel than merciful.
  • It is better to break promises if keeping them would be against one's interests.
  • Princes must avoid making themselves hated and despised; the goodwill of the people is a better defense than any fortress.
  • Princes should undertake great projects to enhance their reputation.
  • Princes should choose wise advisors and avoid flatterers.

Italy's Political Situation

Machiavelli outlines and recommends the following:

  • The rulers of Italy have lost their states by ignoring the political and military principles Machiavelli enumerates.
  • Fortune controls half of human affairs, but free will controls the rest, leaving the prince free to act. However, few princes can adapt their actions to the times.
  • The final chapter is an exhortation to the Medici family to follow Machiavelli's principles and thereby free Italy from foreign domination.

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English literature essays, the devil's morals.

Ethics in Machiavelli's The Prince

by Souvik Mukherjee

Yet as I have said before, not to diverge from the good if he can avoid it, but to know how to set about it if compelled

Niccolo Machiavelli (1469-1527) was an Italian statesman and political philosopher. He was employed on diplomatic missions as defence secretary of the Florentine republic, and was tortured when the Medici returned to power in 1512. When he retired from public life he wrote his most famous work, The Prince (1532), which describes the means by which a leader may gain and maintain power. The Prince has had a long and chequered history and the number of controversies that it has generated is indeed surprising. Almost every ideology has tried to appropriate it for itself - as a result everyone from Clement VII to Mussolini has laid claim to it. Yet there were times when it was terribly unpopular. Its author was seen to be in league with the devil and the connection between 'Old Nick' and Niccolo Machiavelli was not seen as merely nominal. The Elizabethans conjured up the image of the 'murdering Machiavel' [1] and both the Protestants and the later Catholics held his book responsible for evil things. Any appraisal of the book therefore involved some ethical queasiness. Modern scholarship may have removed the stigma of devilry from Machiavelli, but it still seems uneasy as to his ethical position. Croce [2] and some of his admirers like Sheldon Wolin [3] and Federic Chabod [4] have pointed out the existence of an ethics-politics dichotomy in Machiavelli. Isaiah Berlin [5] postulates a system of morality outside the Christian ethical schema. Ernst Cassirer [6] calls him a cold technical mind implying that his attitude to politics would not necessarily involve ethics. And Macaulay [7] sees him as a man of his time going by the actual ethical positions of Quattrocento Italy. In the face of so many varied opinions, it would be best to re-examine the texts and the environment in which they were written. Let us get a few fundamental facts clear. Nowhere in The Prince or The Discourses does Machiavelli explicitly make morality or ethics his concern. Nor does he openly eschew it. Only one specific ethical system, the Christian ethic has no place in Machiavelli. That is easily inferred because from the very first pages a system based more on the power of arms than on Christian love is spoken of. Murder is condoned when necessary. Virtue and vice are not seen so much as black and white as interchangeable shades of grey. This does not however exclude the possibility of a separate ethical paradigm which Machiavelli might have thought of for his state. This is in accordance with Berlin's suggestion of a 'pagan' paradigm [8]. Morality per se, comes in only when The Prince deems it compatible with Necessitas and Fortuna [9].The separate ethical paradigm must therefore be one founded on political necessities. The Prince itself is avowedly political. Its object is the clear and concise statement of a foolproof political program for Italian princes. It begins by clearly classifying the types of principality, how one wins them and how to hold them. There is a very well-informed section on the war tactics prevalent in the peninsula together with Machiavelli's own theories for improving these. And there is the unscrupulous advice, which gained the book so much infamy. But The Prince is not unique among Machiavelli's books. The Discourses carry on the ideas found in The Prince . Much of it is also there in The Art of War . So we get an expression of a clearly thought-out political programme in all the books of Machiavelli. In each case, Machiavelli harks back to the ancients to comment on recent events and to use them as exemplars. The main aim, however, is never lost sight of: to explain and improve on the contemporary political scenario. That, more than ethics, is his concern. As many scholars have commented, nowhere does Machiavelli try to form any new political model. He is quite content to work within the limits set by contemporary politics. In fact, much of what he says is subscribed to by other contemporaries. The controversial fluidity and interchangeability of vice and virtue, for example. J. R. Hale tells us that even Erasmus reminded his own ideal prince 'that the ways of some princes have slipped back to such a point that the two ideas of the 'good man' and 'prince' seem to be the very antithesis of each other. It is obviously considered ridiculous and foolish to mention a good man in speaking of a prince. [10] Guiccardini is even more cynical. Bishop Seyssel and Gulliame Budé both write of ideas similar to Machiavelli's in their books [11]. We must also remember that contemporary criticism of Machiavelli was directed not at his ideas but at the fact that he had dedicated the book to a Medici! This fact draws attention to another point. Almost the same ideas with often the same examples are expressed separately in The Prince and in the Discorsi . The former being addressed to princes and the latter to a republican government. His long service under the republican polity in Florence would have explained the latter. And true to its spirit he claims a superiority for the republican government. In this light it becomes difficult to account for his sudden shift of praise to princely governments. What really matters to him is a stable polity in Italy: when he sees the republican system failing, he adjusts his ideas to fit The Princedoms. The above points show two things. Firstly that if there is an ethics in The Prince at all it has not been specially moulded by Machiavelli. It is merely an expression of the practical ethics of his times. As Lord Macaulay puts it,

If we are to believe Berlin, the 'pagan' ethics in The Prince would be something like the above. Secondly, Machiavelli is not concerned overmuch about ethical nuances. Even though a republican, he does not mind dedicating his book to the conquering prince. And in both the Discorsi and The Prince , the Duke Valentino is as much his ideal ruler as the those from republican Rome. The major concern of Machiavelli is how states should be run and not how morals are to be followed. The Prince must be a beast if necessary. In the notorious chapter XV111 of The Prince , he advocates that The Prince be a mixture of the lion and the fox. The quality that a prince must have is virtu. This virtu can as J. H. Whitfield correctly suggests, mean 'virtue'. But as he further states, 'basically, virtu is the exercise of his freedoms by the man of energetic and conscious will' [13]. This approximates to the rough translation, 'power'. Virtu may mean 'virtue' but does not necessarily do so. Lastly, in considering Berlin's idea of the 'pagan' ethic in The Prince , one finds a few discrepancies. If we go by Aristotelian ethics, the idea of temperance occupies a primal position [14]. Temperance involves a mean position between absolute goodness and absolute badness. Machiavelli speaks differently. It is either being totally good or totally bad. The famous example of C. P. Baglioni and Julius II is a case in point. [15] And strictly speaking, there was no pagan code of morality which sanctioned vice in support of political power. From our analysis we have seen that The Prince carries in it an ethics of political convenience. It does not preclude morality, virtue or Christian values entirely but allows them only when opportune. Otherwise it sanctions in cold blood, massacres, deception and betrayal given that the state benefits from this. This ethic is entirely moulded from political conveniences and is subservient to the political dimension in The Prince . References 1. See the Prologue to Christopher Marlowe's The Jew of Malta for further illustration of this point. 2. Croce, Benedetto. Machiavelli e Vico. 3. Wolin, Sheldon. Politics of Vision. Boston: Little, Brown. 1960 4. Chabod, Federico. Machiavelli and the Renaissance, translated by David Moore, 1958. Harvard univ. press 5. Berlin, Isaiah. The Question of Machiavelli. New York Review, November 4, 1971. 6. Cassirer, Ernst. Implications of the New Theory of the State (from The Myth Of The State) 7. Macaulay, Thomas Babington. Machiavelli 8. Berlin, Isaiah. Ibid. 9. Machiavelli. Il Principe Ch XVIII 'Yet as I have said before, not to diverge from the good if he can avoid it, but to know how to set about it if compelled.' Trans. Marriott. The Project Gutenberg Internet Edition. 10. Erasmus. The Education of a Prince, quoted in J. R. Hale, Renaissance Europe 1480-1520 p. 309 11. Hale p. 308 12. Macaulay. Ibid. 13. Whitfield, J. H. Big Words, Exact Meanings. 14. Aristotle. Nichomachean Ethics. [trans. Sir David Ross] 15. Machiavelli. Discourses on Livy Ch XXVII, Project Gutenberg Internet Edition

© Souvik Mukherjee, July 2002

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Summary and Study Guide

The Prince is a 16th-century political treatise of the Renaissance period written by Italian diplomat and philosopher Niccolò Machiavelli . The work, which was likely distributed for years prior to its official publication in 1532, is one of the most influential works of political philosophy in human history. Machiavelli wrote The Prince as a guide for new and future rulers, instructing them on how to seize and hold onto power, frequently citing specific examples from history as lessons. Each of the book’s primary themes focus on ways in which a ruler can and should manipulate the citizenry, often through the use of immoral means for a desired result . As such, The Prince and Machiavelli spawned the pejorative term “Machiavellian” to represent this type of manipulation in politics.

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Although The Prince eventually found widespread circulation and fame, its original intent was to serve as a handbook for one specific ruler and to ingratiate Machiavelli back into the political elite. He begins the book with a dedication to Lorenzo de Medici, a member of the ruling Medici family which had previously imprisoned, tortured, and banished Machiavelli following its rise to power. Early in his work, Machiavelli lays out two disclaimers important to his philosophy of how princes should seize and maintain power. The first is to explain his usage of the word state to refer to any distinct sovereign region and to clarify that all states are either republics, in which the people hold power through electing a representative, or principalities, which are monarchies. The second disclaimer explains that his discussions will concern only principalities because he has written of republics at length in other works.

Each of the book’s 26 chapters explains Machiavelli’s vision as to what actions that a prince should take in order to maintain power. The chapters can be divided into four basic sections: types of principalities, defense and military, the qualities and behavior of a prince, and prudence and fate. Chapters 1 through 11 discuss the several different types of principalities, such as those inherited by the ruler through family, those which are a mixture of inherited and newly annexed territories, those which are entirely new and have been acquired through force, and those which are Ecclesiastical in nature and under the direct sovereign rule of the Pope. Chapters 12 through 14 discuss the prince as military leader and the different types of armies, including those consisting entirely of native troops, those consisting entirely of hired mercenary soldiers , those consisting of auxiliary troops borrowed from other rules, and those which consist of a mixture of native, mercenary, or auxiliary troops. Chapters 15-23 discuss the behavior of a prince in regard to characteristics such as generosity, cruelty, faithfulness, and reputation. Over the final three chapters Machiavelli discusses Italy’s current political state and how the issues of prudence, chance, and free will contributed to it being under the control of foreign powers. 

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Machiavelli’s The Prince: Essay Example

Niccolo machiavelli as a diplomat & thinker, the prince by machiavelli: a handbook for rulers.

  • What Should a Prince Be an Expert at?

The Prince by Machiavelli: FAQ

According to Machiavelli, what should a prince be an expert at? Keep reading to find out! In this The Prince essay example, you’ll find the summary, information about Machiavelli’s early life, and answers to frequent questions about The Prince by Machiavelli.

In the late Middle Ages and early Renaissance, Italy was in an unfavorable position. It was divided into small parts. Rome, Florence, Genoa, Venice, and other parts of the country were all independent warring states. The country was at war with such powerful states as modern-time France and Spain.

In such conditions, the most topical question was: how to strengthen the country’s power? Great thinkers of the epoch tried to find the right answer. One of the most outstanding authors of his century was Niccolo Machiavelli. In his essay “The Prince,” he wrote down a strategy for the ruler to succeed.

Who was Machiavelli? He is famous as a diplomat, philosopher, and writer. His best-known masterpiece is The Prince that he wrote in 1513. Niccolo contributed to Western thinking through a number of other essential discourses, too. He wrote a lot about the principles of warfare and diplomacy.

For many years, he served as a high-ranking official in the Florentine Republic. For example, in the years 1498 – 1512, he worked as secretary of the second chancellor. At that time, the powerful dynasty of Medici was not in power in Florence. Machiavelli witnessed how Medici II re-gained power by helping the Spanish forces defeat Florence. Machiavelli was expelled from the citystate of Florence for a year. In 1513, he went to prison. He was released after three weeks. He was engaged in diplomatic and military affairs.

Apart from his “serious” theses, Machiavelli wrote some comedies, carnival songs, and poems. His personal letters are a valuable source of information for historians and scholars.

From the facts that we know, Machiavelli seemed never to consider himself a philosopher. He even denied some philosophical studies. Neither was he satisfied with the standard model of academic philosophy. His writings were not always systematic and consistent. Instead of pure logical analysis, he often turns to experience and examples.

However, Machiavelli is usually listed among political philosophers. He tried to emphasize a pure political pragmatism. He focused on existential questions, too. Philosophers all over the world are eager to study and discuss his ideas.

The existence of the term “Machiavellianism” proves the importance of the thinker’s ideas. The term is rather widespread in both political and business spheres. It challenges the entire tradition of political philosophy. It gives a different perspective on the motives and actions of rulers.

As a diplomat and thinker, Machiavelli offers some advice to the new Prince Lorenzo de’ Medici. “The Prince” essay gives a set of practical solutions  in a turbulent political environment. The principles written down by Machiavelli were meant to help the Prince become influential and respected.

Lorenzo was the nephew of Giovanni de’ Medici (also known as Leo X). In 1516, Lorenzo became the duke of Urbino. The new ruler needed to develop a specific strategy to build up Florence’s prosperity. Lorenzo did not appreciate Machiavelli’s suggestions.

By the time Lorenzo came into power, the previous rulers’ mistakes had led to Italy’s division. Machiavelli recommends learning from others’ mistakes. He develops a strategy for quite an authoritarian ruler. The thinker advises the Prince to modify his ruling style. He claims that combining different methods in ruling the state is more effective. This should help the Prince expand the empire and make people from all over the state loyal to him.

According to the author, there are two main ways to gain and keep power: “Either through fortune or through strength.” The view is a bit simplified and idealistic. However, at the time people achieved power either by overthrowing others or inheriting the throne. It was too early for moral and ethical considerations to play a crucial role. Democracy was not accessible at the epoch.

Let us consider the tips proposed by Machiavelli in more detail. Conquering power through wars implies cruelty. Despite innocent victims, Machiavelli claims that it is an appropriate means to gain and keep power. The thinker gives a horrible recommendation to make sure that the previous ruler has no heirs.

In his essay, Machiavelli reflects on how love and fear help a ruler preserve power. Any leader needs obedience and loyalty of their subordinates. According to the author, Lorenzo should know how to make people like him and be afraid of him at the same time. That is arguably the main objective of a new ruler.

While everyone is unique, Machiavelli does not focus on their differences. For a ruler, it is not necessary to view their subjects as individuals. Instead, Machiavelli refers to a group of subordinates.

What regards the laws, taxes, and so on, Machiavelli argues that the new ruler should not change anything. He recommends preserving the old way of life that people are used to. Most people should be OK with it. People do not like changes. Keeping things as-is is said to be the best way for new rulers to establish hereditary possessions.

Those who served in the previous ruler’s military should become loyal to the new leader. That is a vital component of preserving the gained power. Machiavelli looks at those people as “subjects.” The function of the subjects was to help the ruler keep powerful. To accomplish this objective, military people need to protect the borders of the kingdom. The diplomat supports the use of military methods to strengthen power. Naturally, this can also protect the country.

The concept mentioned above implies that the ruler should be more artful and astute than his subjects. Otherwise, those who should obey might rebel. Meanwhile, subjects must protect the strong leader, fear his power, and avoid any confrontation with him.

Machiavelli comes up with animal metaphors to illustrate his suggestions.

When people describe someone cunning and sly, they compare that person to a fox. He believes that a ruler should possess the qualities of a fox in order to succeed. A good and wise prince should know how to win, even if the methods are not direct and just. Honesty and sincerity are not the essential qualities for a ruler, according to the thinker.

In the meantime, foxes are not the strongest animals. A lion is way more imposing and seems to have more power. Lions are often called the kings of all animals. When it comes to inspiring fear and respect, a lion is a better example for a prince.

According to Machiavelli, What Should a Prince Be an Expert at?

What is the best motive for the subjects to keep loyal to the rule? Should it be love or fear? Machiavelli claims that the ruler must inspire both fear and love. This might be challenging, of course. But the wisdom of any ruler is in finding that balance.

According to Machiavelli, those who cannot secure their position through both love and fear should choose the one they are more confident about. In the meantime, choosing one does not exclude the other. While using fear as the main source of power, the Prince should strive to win sympathy. If a ruler cannot make people love him, he will at least need to ensure he is not hated.

Another thing a prince should be an expert at is controlling the quality of the army. The soldiers should be organized and should know the rules well. Machiavelli claims that a good army reflects good laws. Sometimes fidelity of subjects is better protection for the state than a new fortress.

He notes that leaders must consider the interests of the state first. Being an expert at prioritizing is very beneficial for a ruler. He claims that a great leader aims at their state’s prosperity. The ultimate goal for Florence of that time was uniting different Italian states. Accordingly, any methods were acceptable on the way to this. But personal gains could not become the objective.

While Machiavelli emphasizes the role of a strong leader, he also recommends having wise advisors. Lorenzo di Medici was not experienced enough to run the state just on his own. That was especially true for the tough period and the crisis that Florence was going through.

The Prince: Essay Conclusion

Niccolo Machiavelli suggests how to run a state in a volatile political situation. Many recommendations imply perceiving the subjects as instruments for gaining prosperity. Some points justify cruelty as long as it takes place for a “sacred” purpose. In Machiavellianism, gaining power (victory) is the ultimate goal. Any means to reach the goal are acceptable.

A present-day reader might be unpleasantly surprised at that perception. However, Machiavelli lived in a  different epoch. He did not even realize how many moral and ethical topics he touched upon. Years after The Prince essay appeared, ruthless rulers and representatives of business abused Machiavelli’s concepts to justify their actions.

What is The Prince by Niccolo Machiavelli about?

“The Prince” is an essay that focuses on the principles and recommendations for a ruler to maintain power. Some of the suggestions are only applicable to the Florence of that epoch. Other rules can arguably be universal. The work gives the basis for such a theory as Machiavellianism.

According to Machiavelli, what was his purpose in writing The Prince?

Niccolo Machiavelli believed that he was the right person to advise the new Prince. Lorenzo di Medici was to rule in a volatile and challenging political environment. He had to make difficult choices and develop an exclusive strategy to revitalize the state. Machiavelli’s thesis was aimed at conveying ideas of the author, especially to Lorenzo.

What advice does Machiavelli offer to a prince?

The author gives a few recommendations. The main idea is that any means are acceptable to achieve the primary goal. Another popular question is: according to Machiavelli, what should a prince be an expert at? A wise ruler should know how to balance the fear and love of subjects. He should also be great at prioritizing, strategizing, etc.

When did Machiavelli write The Prince?

Niccolo Machiavelli was an outstanding Italian diplomat of the Renaissance. When power was re-gained by the Medici, Machiavelli decided to share his thoughts on politics. Lorenzo di Medici did not accept the suggestions. In 1532, ‎Antonio Blado d’Asola published Machiavelli’s essay.

Why did Machiavelli advocate the use of force by a ruler?

Niccolo Machiavelli was a prominent diplomat and thinker. He lived in an epoch when Italy was divided into numerous independent and warring states. Moreover, the country was attacked by foreign conquerors. Machiavelli explained that the Prince’s objective was to restore the country’s prosperity. He emphasized that any means are acceptable to accept the goal, including the use of force.

Niccolò Machiavelli and “The Prince”: Carson-Newman University. Web.

Machiavelli’s The Prince: Still Relevant after All These Years (Boston University)

Niccolò Machiavelli: Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy

War and Politics in the Thought of Machiavelli (Armstrong Undergraduate Journal of History). Web.

Niccolo Machiavelli: Kent State University

What can you learn from Machiavelli? Yale Insights

Niccolò Machiavelli: Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy

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Machiavelli's Perspective on Politics in The Prince

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What Is Machiavelli’s Understanding of the Nature of Politics in the Prince?

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essay on machiavelli the prince

The Prince Niccolo Machiavelli

The Prince literature essays are academic essays for citation. These papers were written primarily by students and provide critical analysis of The Prince.

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essay on machiavelli the prince

The Prince Niccolo Machiavelli Essay

During the Renaissance, the political situation of Italy consisted of instability, invasion, fear, intrigues, and violence. Several powerful families established their territories and ruled authoritatively. The Prince provided a practical direction to Lorenzo Di Medici to operate in this unstable political environment. According to Machiavelli, the republic was the best form of government as opposed to an authority of the prince.

Therefore, Machiavelli proposed some advice for a new prince, who wanted to govern a state to prosperity. These pieces of advice would ensure that the prince remained great and powerful. Machiavelli’s work provided practical solutions to Lorenzo in a turbulent political environment. Unfortunately, Lorenzo did not concur with Machiavelli’s suggestions.

Machiavelli looks at how an authoritarian ruler can achieve a great success if he changes his authoritarian style. The Prince offers advice on how Lorenzo can expand the empire, keep people from all territories loyal to him, and conquer new territories. According to Machiavelli, Lorenzo could not afford to repeat past mistakes that divided Italy, and he had to learn to use both good and bad styles when running the kingdom.

Machiavelli offers two ideal views on principality: these are how to win and hold power. He notes, “Either through fortune or through strength”, (Machiavelli 6) are the main ways by which rulers can achieve principalities. This implies that people can only achieve power by overthrowing others or inheriting it from the family. From the Renaissance perspective, Machiavelli showed that moral or ethical issues were not important in a quest for power.

When a ruler overthrows another one, wars happen and people die. Thus, Machiavelli showed that killings were appropriate means of gaining power. Once a ruler has conquered a territory, he must “ensure that the previous ruler has no heirs” (Machiavelli 9). In addition, a new ruler must not change existing laws or introduce new taxes. Machiavelli argues that the new ruler should maintain the previous lifestyle people had so that many people can like him. This was the only way for the new ruler to establish hereditary domains.

Subjects have the duty to remain loyal to their rulers so that leaders can maintain power. The purposes of maintaining loyal subjects are to help the ruler keep power and join militia and fight for the ruler. However, this raises the issue of how Machiavelli viewed ‘subjects’. According to Machiavelli, rulers only needed subjects to maintain their power and protect their kingdoms.

Machiavelli did not foresee moral and ethical issues that his work would raise. However, these issues have been the epitome of The Prince . The work provided practical advice in a politically volatile society. However, both ruthless rulers and business individuals have used Machiavelli’s concepts (Machiavellian) to justify their actions, which view winning as the ultimate goal.

Machiavelli offered his advice on qualities the prince needed in order to run a new kingdom. He wrote:

“ Since a ruler, then, needs to know how to make use of beastly qualities, he should take as his models among the animals both the fox and the lion, for the lion does not know how to avoid traps, and the fox is easily overpowered by the wolves. So you must be a fox when it comes to suspecting a trap, and a lion when it comes to making the wolves turn tail ” (Machiavelli 54).

This indicates that a ruler should be cunning than his subjects or those who may wish to overthrow him. As a result, the subject shall protect their strong ruler, fear him for his strength, and avoid any attempts to kill him. This leads us to the argument of whether it ‘ is it better for a Prince to be loved or feared?’ According to Machiavelli, a Prince should be both (Machiavelli 51).

However, the challenge is to maintain both love and fear simultaneously. Machiavelli argues for both fear and love because a Prince needs obedience and loyalty from his people and people must fear the Prince because he has the responsibility to control and run the kingdom. Machiavelli notes:

“ I conclude, then, that, as far as being loved and feared is concerned, since men decide for themselves whom they love, and rulers decide whom they fear, a wise ruler should rely on the emotion he can control, not on the one he cannot. But he must take care to avoid being hated, as I have said ” (Machiavelli 53).

Machiavelli supports the use of military to gain power and protect the kingdom. However, he does not support oppression. His views emanate from the notion that a good military power leads to a good rule of law. He supports this idea by stating, “ The presence of a sound military force indicates the presence of sound laws” (Machiavelli 65). Machiavelli is right to advise the Prince that the subjects’ loyalty is a good defense than a structure a fortress.

Machiavelli notes that leaders should have positive public opinions, have support of subjects, and achieve their objectives. The ultimate objective is to unite different states.

Machiavelli does not encourage leaders to be cruel for personal gains. Instead, he wants leaders to use their power and influence to protect their kingdoms and subjects. Thus, most people have misunderstood Machiavelli’s concept of “The end justifies the means.

This is because Machiavelli believed that rulers could use brutality to capture, but will eventually lose their glory. Therefore, he believes that the Prince can only achieve loyalty, obedience, and trust if he does not cruelties on his subjects. However, the concept was justifiable if there were clear objectives to achieve for the benefit of the state.

Machiavelli viewed humans as objects of gaining power and using it to maintain power. In addition, human subjects provided numbers for authorities, which were suitable for achieving power and money by using force for the interest of the state. Machiavelli considered human subjects as “fickle and ungrateful” (Machiavelli 52).

The Prince showed that Machiavelli’s main concern was how to run a kingdom rather than moral and ethical issues, which came with such responsibilities. Thus, Lorenzo had not moral or ethical obligation to be correct. However, Machiavelli reflects the raw life of the Renaissance in which States benefited from atrocities.

Machiavelli remains a controversial figure. He knew that some of his views were not right. For instance, he viewed subjects as objects of acquiring and keeping power, considered people as ungrateful, and raised issues of fear or love among others.

From Machiavelli’s point of view, the ruler could apply these techniques during his time of need in order to defend his throne. The true purpose of Machiavelli remains defined as succinct ideals for running a prosperous kingdom in a volatile political situation. Therefore, Machiavelli did not advocate for brutality.

It is advisable for a ruler to have advisers in order to manage a kingdom effectively. According to Machiavelli, a good leader had to possess proper skills in order to select good advisers. The works of such competent advisers are to provide competent responses and honest advice to specific issues.

In addition, such advisers have to put the state first before their self-interests (Machiavelli 22). In return, the prince must reward and honor such characters because of their unshakable services. On the other hand, bad leaders were likely to surround themselves with incompetent people, who only revealed their weaknesses.

Private morality and ethics have other factors too, such as personal character, state duties, and divine approvals. However, it is only reactions from humans, which count in real-life situations. This explains why Machiavelli insists that a leader needs to achieve the best reputation among his subjects, and do whatever is appropriate and wrong for the prosperity of the state in a given circumstance. Therefore, rulers must be cunning, generous and must inculcate a reputation of honesty (Machiavelli 18).

According to Machiavelli, rulers can disregard moral obligations in affairs of kingdoms. Thus, the only relevant issue is the important outcome for the kingdom. It is suitable for rulers to engage in deceit, murder, and other immoral acts for the benefit of their states. These ideologies of Machiavelli gave rise to the concept of Machiavellian, which implies being “crude, cunning, and deceitful.

This is exactly how Machiavelli thought the new prince should act” (Machiavelli 63). This is why Machiavelli notes that, in the absence of a court of law, one should only rely on the result in order to make a judgment. However, Machiavelli had a strong belief in the need to have a strong ruler so that kingdoms could maintain their power for benefits of subjects rather than for individual interests.

Works Cited

Machiavelli, Niccolo. The Prince. Shelbyville, KY: Wasteland Classics, 2011. Print.

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Machiavelli’s The Prince, Essay Example

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The piece of philosophical literature The Prince by Machiavelli is literally a guidebook for princes or would-be princes. He introduces his ideas, generally in favor of an overbearing monarch, and gives his audience his implicit idea of what a prince should be or do. In Chapter 14, Machiavelli states:

A prince must have no other objective, no other thought, nor take up any profession but that of war, its methods and its discipline, for that is the only art expected of a ruler. And it is of such great value that it not only keeps hereditary princes in power, but often raises men of lowly condition to that rank.

In this quote, Machiavelli states that war must be placed above all else when it comes to the knowledge of a prince. This piece of advice has been time tried, and tested many times by many different ruler, always to the same negative consequences. Although based on Machiavelli’s time period, as well as pool of experiences, this was probably good advice for the time when monarchies ruled. However, there is a reason monarchies do not rule anymore.

If the safety of a state is the only thing a ruler concerns himself with, it is true that the military might of the country will be increased. The problem is that social issues are most often pushed to the side in these cases, often resulting in uprisings against these military-minded rulers. A perfect example of this is British colonialism in America, India, and other places throughout West Africa. The British were very concerned with imposing imperialism around the globe as a whole in the 17th and 18th centuries in particular. In 1775, war obviously broke out in the American colonies due to an oppressive ruler, preoccupied with military might. India incurred a similar resurrection against British colonialism for similar human rights issues.

There is another level to this quote, however, that is extremely historically relevant, and does seem to hold true throughout the ages. This is Machiavelli’s view that war can be studied as an art, or for that matter, an academic subject. There are plenty of contemporary historical analogies that prove this to be true.

Perhaps the best, and one of the most contemporary examples, is the calculating decisiveness that Mao showed during the Chinese Civil War. His Red Army, grossly outnumbered, was able to thwart the overbearing, and US-backed, Chinese government. Greatly influenced by The Art of War , Asian cultures have a long history of studying war as a defined discipline.

There are other contemporary examples that back this up as well. US General Norman Schwartzkopf, after World War II, put together a similar book outlining his scholarly views on war, and strategy with regards to the subject. There are also other contemporary examples in modern America that are hidden in plain sight.

Colleges such as the US Naval Academy at Annapolis, as well as The Army Academy at West Point, train future leaders to make informed decisions on the battlefield. In this way, Machiavelli was right on point. The place Machiavelli went wrong, however, were his overbearing views on government as a whole.

Because Machiavelli supported a government based on military, rather than a military based on a government, his advice is mostly impractical in today’s world, while making a valid point with regards to war as an academic field.

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Machiavelli Essay On The Prince

Good and bad princes are typically easily distinguishable, regardless of the time period from which they rule. For today’s rulers, we tend to gravitate towards leaders that we like or leaders who are popular. Standards for rulers have changed over time, but in the middle ages rulers were judged by a very strict set of criteria in which rulers were meant to be feared by all and loved by none. Kings and Princes of the middle ages were not necessarily popular as they are today . Instead, they strived to be competitive and feared.

Niccolo Machiavelli wrote a series of works regarding the guidelines that princes were to follow in order to be successful rulers. He gives examples of both successful and unsuccessful princes and greatly details how their behaviors and actions made them either successful or unsuccessful. HBO’s television series, Game of Thrones, is popularly known today as a representative of the medieval ways of live and kingship. Many of the characters in Game of Thrones are actually modeled after Machiavelli’s descriptions of princes in his work, The Prince.

Interestingly, we are able to study these characters and find the Machiavellian aspects in all of them, even if the characters themselves are not explicitly Machiavellian rulers. Game of Thrones’ Viserys Targaryen exemplifies Machiavelli’s ideas about princedom in that he focuses on the importance of war and the Dothraki culture, but his ignorance of the majority of Machiavelli’s advice would displease Machiavelli, himself. Viserys Targaryen embodies very specific characteristics of the prince that Machiavelli describes. The primary example that Viserys personifies is that of a prince only concerned with war.

In The Prince, Machiavelli writes, “…for war is the sole art looked for in one who rules” (Machiavelli, 37). Machiavelli explains that princes should keep their focus on war and the preparation for war in order to be a good ruler. Viserys, as stated in the first episode of Game of Thrones, is only concerned with starting a war and recapturing the throne for himself. He knows that the only way for him to acquire power is to start a war with those currently on the throne. Machiavelli explicitly advocates this idea because he believes that “it is the surest way to acquire power” (Machiavelli, 37).

This hunger for war is the most prominent Machiavellian factor in Viserys’ personality. Every action that he carries out derives from his need to win back the throne, which he knows can only be done by obtaining a powerful army and ensuring his victory in war. Furthermore, Viserys not only acknowledges that he must prepare for war, but he also immerses himself in the study of war. As Machiavelli points out, “…a Prince should read histories , and in these should note the actions of great men, observe how they conducted themselves in their wars, and examine the causes of their victories and defeats…” (Machiavelli, 39).

We know that this is true because Viserys introduces Khal Drogo to Danaerys and describes his victories in battle. Before this, Viserys would have had to study Khal Drogo’s actions as a leader and warrior. He knows about the success of the Dothraki warriors as a whole, as well, meaning that he has been studying the leader and his society. Because of this, we know that Viserys has been preparing, at least mentally, for a victorious battle. Viserys also takes advice from Machiavelli in that he takes on the challenge of adopting a group of people that speaks a different language.

Machiavelli explains that a prince acquiring a state that speaks a different language must “go and dwell there in person” (Machiavelli, 3). Viserys does this, immersing himself in the Dothraki society along with Danaerys rather than sending her away with the warriors and staying home. He always appears interested in the Dothraki culture and the reasons for their rituals. Specifically, he makes inquiries about the events at the wedding in the first episode, showing that he does have general interest in the Dothraki warriors and their violent rituals at the wedding receptions.

While Viserys does take on these Machiavellian qualities, he seems to widely ignore most of the pertinent advice that Machiavelli gives. Machiavelli states that, “Such Princes are wholly dependent on the favour and fortunes of those who have made them great, than which supports none could be less stable or secure, and they lack both the knowledge and the power that would enable them to maintain their position” (Machiavelli, 15). Viserys only comes to power through his promise to let Khal Drogo marry his sister, Danaerys. Because of this, Viserys will always be indebted to Khal Drogo and will never truly be the leader of the Dothraki warriors.

He will never truly have the respect of the Dothraki warriors as long as Khal Drogo is alive and because he did not honorably take the Dothraki group like a good prince would have. As Machiavelli says, Viserys lacks the knowledge that a real leader needs in order to maintain power over such a strong group of people , especially because Viserys has not defeated the Dothraki leader. Viserys’ selling of Danaerys for Khal Drogo’s allegiance will not make him trustworthy because he has not really tried to gain the trust of the Dothraki.

This means that the warriors, and especially Khal Drogo himself, do not ever truly feel allied to Viserys. Because the Dothraki do not see Viserys as a leader, they do not feel inclined to protect him, either. We see this in episode 7, in which Khal Drogo kills Viserys and none of the surrounding warriors try to defend him. Khal Drogo killed Viserys because he made a threat to Danaerys and the future Dothraki prince. Machiavelli writes, “Wherefore the injury we do to a man should be of a sort to leave no fear of reprisals” (Machiavelli, 4).

Machiavelli warns against this exact threat, saying that a prince should only make threats if there is no chance that someone will take revenge on him. Viserys ignores this advice in that he directly threatens Danaerys and her unborn child in front of Khal Drogo and all of the Dothraki warriors. He should have been aware that even the threat of danger against the Dothraki’s kaleesi and future king would have repercussions, but he ignored them and allowed his anger to drive his actions, instead. Because the Dothraki people were already distrustful of Viserys, they had no reason to defend him when Khal Drogo demanded that he be killed.

Viserys’ death scene is ironic in this way because Khal Drogo melts the gold over his head, which is meant to be symbolic of Viserys’ crown. This is even more ironic because we know that Viserys is not really worthy of the crown and Khal Drogo and his warriors seem to share the sentiment. Because of Viserys’ behavior and general ignorance, Machiavelli would likely be disappointed in his course of action throughout his character arc in the television show. Machiavelli would probably agree that although Viserys’ odds of gaining the Dothraki’s trust are not in his favor, he does not behave well enough to deserve that trust anyway.

He would know, as we do, that Viserys’ fixation on obtaining the throne by the means of war prevents him from being able to be a good prince. Since he ignores most of the advice that Machiavelli gives, especially the important pieces of information, Viserys does not qualify as a good prince. Viserys lives up to Machiavelli’s standards for princes in that he focuses on the importance of war and the Dothraki culture, but he ignores the majority of Machiavelli’s advice. Therefore, he is not a very well-rounded prince and ultimately dies at the hands of the Dothraki because of it.

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essay on machiavelli the prince

Machiavelli’s World

Harvey Mansfield’s new book connects the Renaissance philosopher with modernity’s origins.

Machiavelli’s Effectual Truth: Creating the Modern World , by Harvey C. Mansfield (Cambridge University Press, 298 pp., $34.99)

Harvey Mansfield, not known for timidity, has characteristically titled his latest work Machiavelli’s Effectual Truth: Creating the Modern World. If his hyperbolic subtitle might seem a provocation, however, it is less so as applied to Niccolò Machiavelli than to almost any other major writer in the history of political thought.

Walk into the business section of any good-sized bookstore, after all, and you’ll find at least a couple of volumes applying Old Nick’s insights to the cutthroat corporate world. Former Trump staffer Michael Anton pseudonymously authored a book offering sartorial advice in a manner that deliberately imitates Machiavelli’s political advice to princes . The epithet “Machiavellian” routinely gets applied to CEOs and heads of state, even to those who have never read him. Machiavelli seems closer to us moderns in spirit than even more chronologically recent thinkers like Kant or Hegel. Whether this spiritual proximity also implies a causal relationship is another question, of course.

Though this is not Mansfield’s most ambitious work (that would probably be Machiavelli’s New Modes and Orders , his in-depth study of the Discourses on Livy ), it is likely to be the one that concludes a remarkable career (he officially retired from his position as William R. Kenan Jr. Professor of Government at Harvard University earlier this year at the age of 91). This lends an undeniable air of poignancy to the proceedings.

Mansfield describes this book as a companion to an earlier work, Machiavelli’s Virtue . Like that volume, Machiavelli’s Effectual Truth functions not as a systematic treatment of its subject’s thought but as a series of reflections on different aspects of it (also like that preceding title, most of the chapters here previously appeared in various publications).

If this book has a unifying theme, its title reflects it: that modernity had a discernible origin, and it lies with Machiavelli’s famous statement in chapter 15 of The Prince on the “effectual truth” of things. This effectual truth consists, above all, in the mastery of nature—indeed, the understanding that nature is such a thing that human will can master. Machiavelli thus anticipates by several hundred years Marx’s famous line, “Philosophers have hitherto only interpreted the world in various ways; the point is to change it.”

Mansfield is disarmingly candid that this bold claim is too vast to prove in any conventional historiographic way, admitting that it “asserts much more than it proves.” This is not a departure for Mansfield, who has made a career out of assertions that tend to go beyond anything explicitly claimed by Leo Strauss, who is probably his greatest influence and whose reading of The Prince gets its own chapter here.

Alongside the burden of proving his ambitious claim, Mansfield also faces a hermeneutic problem. He has long held that Machiavelli belongs to a tradition of writers who sought to conceal their true intentions. Yet, Machiavelli clearly indicated his desire to be read—and imitated—by potential successors, and Mansfield (rightly, I think) treats this intention as sincere. Further, the classic example of authors employing what Mansfield calls the “art of writing” are those who seek to conceal their most dangerous and shocking conclusions from unready, or potentially hostile, audiences. That such a tradition of careful writing really existed is now less controversial than it once was—as shown, for example, by the respectful reception of Arthur Melzer’s important book on the subject .

But few thinkers are as notorious as Machiavelli for the dangerous and shocking quality of their advice. Even the unlettered recognize that “Machiavellian” doesn’t refer to the meek and kind. Once you’ve told your readers that it’s better to be feared than loved, or that it’s necessary for political leaders to know and do evil, the cat’s out of the bag.

Still, Machiavelli is by no means a direct or guileless writer. As he once wrote to a friend: “For some time now I have never said what I believe or never believed what I said, and if indeed I sometimes tell the truth, I hide it behind so many lies that it is hard to find.” What, then, was he up to, and how did he communicate his “effectual truth” in such a way as to create our world?

To this point, Mansfield cleverly argues that the problem of succession is not just a major political theme in Machiavelli’s work but also a meta-theme. That is, his intellectual project of creating what we think of as the modern world required subsequent thinkers to carry it on. And this is indeed what happened: though we may view the advent of modernity as a history of successive innovations, it arrived as an imitation of Machiavelli’s original project.

So, does Mansfield prove such a momentous claim? The proof here mostly comes down to his bravura penultimate chapter—one of two original entries in Machiavelli’s Effectual Truth , and nearly a book unto itself. This chapter traces Machiavelli’s influence on Montesquieu, demonstrating how a more moderate thinker tempered Old Nick’s more unruly philosophy. It is here that Mansfield comes closest to fulfilling the promise of the book’s subtitle. He notes that this is but one essay, and that a more comprehensive and systematic treatment will be needed to justify his ambitious larger argument—here, he seems to emulate Machiavelli, in hoping that his own successors will fulfill his project. Nonetheless, one does wish that Mansfield had written more extensively about the nature of Machiavelli’s reception and influence down the centuries. (For those interested, Victoria Kahn and Richard Kennington are both invaluable resources.)

The question in the end, however, is not “is there more than meets the eye in Machiavelli’s writings?” (there is), nor “did he understand himself to be undertaking a radical project?” (he did), but rather “was that project essentially the same one that issued in the Enlightenment and so much that followed?” This requires not just that Machiavelli held specific intentions for his work, but also that his most consequential readers discerned and acted on those intentions across time.

Yet, even when the reader—this one, at any rate—is not entirely persuaded of Mansfield’s larger argument, one cannot fail to be struck by his keen insights into his subject. It is for this and other reasons that even Mansfield’s critics have had to take him seriously for more than half a century now. And if even Mansfield’s critics can agree on one thing, it is that Machiavelli has been deservedly read for more than a half a millennium now. Mansfield himself is one of the last remaining representatives of an older generation that has rendered great service in mediating the encounters between readers and Machiavelli as well as other comparable historical figures. If, fortuna willing, Machiavelli will be read for another half millennium, one wonders who will take up Mansfield’s task.

David Polansky is a Toronto-based writer and political theorist. Read him at or find him on Twitter @polanskydj .

Photo by dcerbino/iStock

City Journal is a publication of the Manhattan Institute for Policy Research (MI), a leading free-market think tank. Are you interested in supporting the magazine? As a 501(c)(3) nonprofit, donations in support of MI and City Journal are fully tax-deductible as provided by law (EIN #13-2912529).

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The Associated Press

The Associated Press

Prince Harry claims vindication in court victory as judge finds British tabloid hacked his phone

Posted: December 15, 2023 | Last updated: December 15, 2023

LONDON (AP) — Prince Harry's phone was hacked by journalists and private investigators working for the Daily Mirror who invaded his privacy by snooping on him unlawfully, a judge ruled Friday, delivering an historic victory for the estranged royal who broke from family tradition to take on the British press.

Phone hacking was “widespread and habitual” at Mirror Group Newspapers, and executives at the papers covered it up, Justice Timothy Fancourt said in his 386-page ruling handed down in the High Court.

The newspapers were ordered to pay the Duke of Sussex 140,000 pounds ($180,000) for using unlawful information gathering in 15 of the 33 newspaper articles examined at trial.

Harry said the ruling was “vindicating and affirming” and should serve as a warning to other news media that used similar practices, an overt reference to two tabloid publishers that face upcoming trials in lawsuits that make nearly identical allegations.

“Today is a great day for truth, as well as accountability,” Harry said in a statement read by his lawyer outside court. “I’ve been told that slaying dragons will get you burned. But in light of today’s victory and the importance of doing what is needed for a free and honest press, it is a worthwhile price to pay. The mission continues."

Fancourt awarded the duke damages for the distress he suffered and a further sum to “reflect the particular hurt and sense of outrage” because two directors at Trinity Mirror knew about the activity and didn't stop it.

“They turned a blind eye to what was going on and positively concealed it,” Fancourt said. “Had the illegal conduct been stopped, the misuse of the duke’s private information would have ended much sooner.”

Harry, 39, the alienated younger son of King Charles III, had sought 440,000 pounds ($560,000) as part of a crusade against the British media that bucked his family's longstanding aversion to litigation and made him the first senior member of the royal family to testify in court in over a century .

His appearance in the witness box over two days in June created a spectacle as he lobbed allegations that Mirror Group had employed journalists who eavesdropped on voicemails and hired private investigators to use deception and unlawful means to learn about him, other family members and associates.

“I believe that phone hacking was at an industrial scale across at least three of the papers at the time,” Harry asserted in the High Court . “That is beyond any doubt.”

But Harry had little proof of his own to back his allegations.

The Mirror’s lawyer showed him examples of stories that mirrored those published previously in competing papers and even stories that had come from Buckingham Palace and, in one instance, a story from an interview the prince himself had given to mark his 18th birthday.

Harry repeatedly insisted there was no way the papers could have landed their scoops legitimately.

The judge said Harry had a tendency in his testimony “to assume that everything published was the product of voicemail interception because phone hacking was rife within Mirror Group at the time.”

Fancourt said Mirror Group was “not responsible for all of the unlawful activity directed at the duke” by the press, but found it had eavesdropped on his messages as early as 2003 and when hacking was “extensive” at the newspapers from 2006 to 2011.

Mirror Group welcomed the judgment for providing the “necessary clarity to move forward from events that took place many years ago," Chief Executive Jim Mullen said.

“Where historical wrongdoing took place, we apologize unreservedly, have taken full responsibility and paid appropriate compensation," Mullen said in statement.

Attorney Philippa Dempster, who wasn’t involved in the case, said hundreds of people who had articles written about them decades ago that contained private information from questionable sources may now be inspired to bring a claim against the newspapers.

“This is a landmark victory for the privacy rights of individuals and marks another clear line in the sand for press standards,” Dempster said. “It shows that the courts are willing to reach back into the past, sift through evidence and hold those who practiced the so-called ‘dark arts’ of the press to account.”

The case is the first of three lawsuits Harry has filed against the tabloids over allegations of phone hacking or some form of unlawful information gathering. They form the front line of attack in what he says is his life’s mission to reform the media.

Harry’s beef with the news media runs deep and is cited throughout his memoir, “Spare.” He blames paparazzi for causing the car crash that killed his mother, Princess Diana, and he said intrusions by journalists led him and his wife, Meghan, to leave royal life for the U.S. in 2020.

Harry alleged that Mirror Group used unlawful means to produce nearly 150 stories on his early life between 1996 and 2010, including his romances, injuries and alleged drug use. The reporting caused great distress, he said in sometimes emotional testimony, but was hard to prove because the newspapers destroyed records.

Of the 33 articles at the center of the trial, Mirror denied using unlawful reporting methods for 28 and made no admissions concerning the remaining five.

Fancourt previously tossed out Harry's hacking claims against the publisher of The Sun. He is allowing Harry and actor Hugh Grant, who has made similar claims, to proceed to trial on allegations that News Group Newspapers journalists used other unlawful methods to snoop on them.

Another judge recently gave Harry the go-ahead to take a similar case to trial against the publisher of the Daily Mail, rejecting the newspaper’s efforts to throw out the lawsuit. Harry is joined in that litigation by Elton John, actors Elizabeth Hurley, Sadie Frost and others.

Attorney Michael Gardner, who was not involved in the case, said the judgment will get the attention of other publishers facing trial, particularly after the judge called out higher-ups who were aware of the unlawful activity.

“Overall, the media organizations that Harry is still suing will be worried that this will give him a lift and strengthen his determination to pursue them,” Gardner said. “To the extent that Harry’s other cases could implicate individuals at other media groups, then clearly there will be concerns there.”

Phone hacking by British newspapers dates back more than two decades to a time when unethical journalists used an unsophisticated method of phoning the numbers of royals, celebrities, politicians and sports stars and, when prompted to leave a message, punched in default passcodes to eavesdrop on voicemails.

The practice erupted into a full-blown scandal in 2011 when Rupert Murdoch’s News of the World was revealed to have intercepted messages of a murdered girl, relatives of deceased British soldiers and victims of a bombing. Murdoch closed the paper.

Newspapers were later found to have used more intrusive means such as phone tapping, home bugging and obtaining flight information and medical records.

Mirror Group Newspapers said it has paid more than 100 million pounds ($128 million) in other phone hacking lawsuits over the years, but denied wrongdoing in Harry’s case. It said it used legitimate reporting methods to get information on the prince.

At the start of the trial, Mirror Group apologized “unreservedly” for one instance when it admitted to hiring a private investigator for a story about Harry partying at a nightclub in February 2004. Although the article, headlined “Sex on the beach with Harry,” wasn’t among those at issue in the trial, Mirror Group said he should be compensated 500 pounds ($637).

Harry brought the case along with three other claimants, including two members of Britain’s longest-running TV soap opera, “Coronation Street.”

The judge found all had legitimate claims but he tossed out cases brought by actor Nikki Sanderson and Fiona Wightman, the former wife of comedian Paul Whitehouse, because they were filed too late. He awarded actor Michael Turner 31,000 pounds ($40,000).

The trial was a test case against Mirror Group and the verdict could influence the outcome of hacking claims made by the estate of the late singer George Michael, former Girls Aloud member Cheryl and former soccer player Ian Wright.

Harry's case is also not resolved. He could receive additional compensation over the remaining 115 articles that were not examined at trial.

The judge told the parties to work out an agreement on those or they would have to go to trial again.

FILE - Prince Harry leaves the High Court after giving evidence in London, on June 7, 2023. Prince Harry won his phone hacking lawsuit Friday Dec. 15, 2023 against the publisher of the Daily Mirror and was awarded over 140,000 pounds ($180,000) in the first of his several lawsuits against the tabloids to go to trial. (AP Photo/Kin Cheung, File)

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Prince Harry ordered to pay Mail on Sunday nearly £50,000 after losing attempt to strike out part of paper's defence in libel case

The Duke of Sussex, who is suing Associated Newspapers over an article written about his fight with the Home Office concerning his security arrangements, had tried to have the company's "honest opinion" defence thrown out.

essay on machiavelli the prince

Royal correspondent @laurabundock

Monday 11 December 2023 17:34, UK

Prince Harry leaves the High Court in June after giving evidence in the libel case. Pic: AP

Prince Harry has been ordered to pay the Mail on Sunday more than £48,000 after he lost his attempt to strike out part of the paper's defence in a libel case.

The Duke of Sussex is suing the newspaper's publishers, Associated Newspapers, over an article written about his fight with the Home Office concerning his security arrangements .

Associated Newspapers argue the article expressed an "honest opinion" and did not cause "serious harm" to Harry's reputation.

The duke had tried to have the "honest opinion" defence thrown out, but in a judgement on Friday a High Court judge decided it could be included, and the case should go to trial.

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essay on machiavelli the prince

The judge, Mr Justice Nicklin, ruled the publisher had a "real prospect" of arguing its case.

As a result, the Duke of Sussex has been ordered to pay the newspaper's costs of £48,447 by 29 December.

The original article, which was published in 2022, wrote about Harry's dispute with the Home Office decision to remove his automatic police protection after he stepped down from the working Royal Family.

Read more: Prince Harry 'unjustifiably treated less favourably than others' over UK protection Prince Harry wins bid for privacy trial against Daily Mail publisher

The newspaper headline said, "How Prince Harry tried to keep his legal fight with the government over bodyguards a secret … then - just minutes after the story broke - his PR machine tried to put positive spin on the dispute."

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Omid Scobie

The Duke of Sussex believes this is libellous, as it attacked "his honesty and integrity", his lawyers argue it is inaccurate, and suggest he had "lied" and "cynically" attempted to mislead public opinion.

If a settlement isn't reached by both parties, the libel trial will be held between May and July next year.

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  7. Book Summary

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    This paper presents a detailed review of an interesting book titled "The Prince" that convey vital principalities of leadership. The book was a masterpiece work of an Italian who was a renowned historian, and a diplomat called Niccolo Machiavelli. The writer was also known as a strong politician who had noble political ideals and theories.

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  23. Review of Machiavelli's Effectual Truth by Harvey Mansfield

    Machiavelli's Effectual Truth: Creating the Modern World, by Harvey C. Mansfield (Cambridge University Press, 298 pp., $34.99). Harvey Mansfield, not known for timidity, has characteristically titled his latest work Machiavelli's Effectual Truth: Creating the Modern World. If his hyperbolic subtitle might seem a provocation, however, it is less so as applied to Niccolò Machiavelli than to ...

  24. Niccolo Machiavelli

    571 likes, 3 comments - machiavelliquote on December 14, 2023: "Rediscovering Machiavelli: A voyage into the heart of political strategy and the enduring truths ..." Niccolo Machiavelli | The Prince ⚔️ on Instagram: "Rediscovering Machiavelli: A voyage into the heart of political strategy and the enduring truths of leadership.

  25. Ruling due in Prince Harry's MGN phone-hacking case

    In a 386-page ruling, a judge found that Prince Harry had been a victim of phone hacking by Mirror Group Newspapers (MGN). The royal was awarded £140,600 in damages and called this "a great day ...

  26. How 'The Nutcracker' evolved from 'creepy' roots to become a beloved

    E.T.A. Hoffmann's "The Nutcracker and the Mouse King" tells the tale of our young heroine, who only sees the nutcracker come to life while she sleeps and sees him battle a seven-headed mouse ...

  27. Prince Harry claims vindication in court victory as judge finds British

    Prince Harry wins phone hacking lawsuit against British tabloid publisher, awarded 140,000 pounds. LONDON (AP) — Prince Harry won his phone hacking lawsuit Friday against the publisher of the ...

  28. Prince Harry ordered to pay Mail on Sunday nearly £50,000 after losing

    Prince Harry has been ordered to pay the Mail on Sunday more than £48,000 after he lost his attempt to strike out part of the paper's defence in a libel case. The Duke of Sussex is suing the ...